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Hameedati in the rule of Sudan


Hameedati in the rule of Sudan
# اطعام_حميدتي_في_حكم_السودان
The name of the Arab-Darfur group was first mentioned on October 5, 1987, when twenty-four Arab leaders in Darfur, led by Abdullah Masar, wrote to Prime Minister al-Sadiq al-Mahdi (annex below), where they claim to have brought civilization to Darfur and represent 70% of the population and demanding more than more than 50% of the constitutional functions in the region and the same share of the region in the center. The speech was attacked from all parts of Sudanese society at the time. When the SPLA sent an armed force to Darfur in 1991, the Sudanese government armed the Arab tribes of the SPLA and developed relations with the Arab groups. It was issued by Quraish 1 and Quraysh 2 (annex below), which carried out the plans of the group to displace Arab groups from West Africa to replace them in Hawakur, Zaghawa and Masalit to prove that they represent 70% of the population of Darfur.
All of this evolved to the emergence of armed Janjawid groups supported by the Bashir regime, where organized campaigns were organized to displace the indigenous population and replace them with new West African settlers until Musa Hilal was admitted to the process in 2002. When Khartoum felt serious, Abdullah Masar mediated to bring Muhammad Hamdan Diklo Hamidi) to al-Bashir to form a rapid support in the declared form, but it should be within the framework of the large project of the Arab Gathering to reach the center and the rule of Sudan.
Many remember at the start of the Saudi crisis with Qatar that there was a rumor that Taha, the former director of Bashir's office and appointed adviser to the Saudi foreign ministry, coordinated with Hamidi to send Sudanese troops to Bahrain to invade Qatar, but was canceled when the Turks discovered the plan. That coordination between Hamditi and Taha continued during the revolution, when the two women refused to strike the rebels in December and April and thanked the youth of the revolution for their national position. Although it was clear that Taha had come to Khartoum to meet the military council and an Emirati delegation, , He said, that the intransigence of the council and the emergence of the hidden side in the character of Hamidati, where he visited the armored forces twice in two weeks and visited the important facilities of the state and the distribution of donations and increase in salaries, while at the same time controls the military junta and military leaders, what is the real goal of Hamidi, Of the Arab tribes Eastern Sudan?
Two years ago, Hamidati bought Al-Attibah newspaper from Tayeb Mustafa and put Sadiq al-Rizaqi as its president. An uneducated person such as Hamidati will not realize the importance of the media, so why buy the newspaper and who instructed him to do so?
If we understand the racist ideas of the righteous Rizeigi through his writings in the attention and understanding of what Abdullah Al-Masar through the statements of the Arab Gathering and what happened in Darfur and in addition to the concepts of former Vice-President Hasabo Mohammed Abdul Rahman, what we have reached now is that three of them add Abdullah Safi Al-Nur and Sharaf on their path Who plan the future plans of the team Mohammed Hamdan Daklo, and that these plans are based on the weakening of the Sudanese army and then the coup against the rule and the creation of an Arab emirate of the tribes of the Baggara, a revival of the state of the Caliph Abdullah coexistence.
The only way to stop my Hamid and those who aspire to carry out this project is to hand over power to a civilian authority that governs Sudan through the agreed terms of the forces of freedom and change. Therefore, contributing to the strike and civil disobedience is to impose an eye on every Sudanese so that The Sudanese state is in the hands of an ignorant, ignorant group that wants to return to Sudan for the centrist centuries.
The Arab Gathering data can be read in:
https://m.facebook.com/slajem/posts/1110211445666406
A series of dangerous documents and statements for the Arab Gathering project in Darfur
Document No. 1
The main statement of the organization of the Arab Gathering October 5, 1987
In the name of God the Merciful
Mr. Prime Minister:
The Arab element, which is known today as the Arab tribes in Darfur, entered Sudan within the Arab waves that came to Sudan in the fifteenth century AD. This element, although many tribes is in fact one of the origin.
These tribes settled in two areas of the Darfur region: the Directorate of South Darfur and 80 percent of the 80% of the area of ​​the Directorate. And the other in the Directorate of North Darfur and include the largest part of the north and center, east and west, covering the region and 55% 55% of the area of ​​the Directorate and represent the Arab tribes more than 70% of the total population of Darfur now.
Over the centuries following its entry into Sudan and stability in Darfur, Arab tribes have played an important role in shaping the character of this region. Arabs in this part of the homeland are the makers of civilization, which formed the real and actual presence of this region, whether in the field of government, religion or language, as it had a prominent role in the formation of Sudan today. They were the cradle of the Mahdist Revolution. They died and took refuge in defense of this Sudan. They also contributed during all the covenants to the political stability, economic progress and social, cultural and cultural development in Darfur, in particular, and in the Sudan as a whole. By this we have affirmed and confirmed that we have maintained and will maintain and hold firmly and faith in the unity of this country and protect it at all times and renounce the causes of division and dispersal.
Mr. Prime Minister:
Those who intend to study the world's systems of governance have come to define regional governance as a definition of decentralization and delegation of authority in order to bring about political, administrative and economic reform in the governance of the people of the region. As far as each tribe has its own leadership, In the leadership of the region and participation in decision-making, we became a majority without weight and citizens, not citizens Represent:
Seventy per cent of the Territory's population
Learners represent more than 40% of the total number of students from the region, including hundreds of university degree holders and dozens of masters and doctoral students in various disciplines.
We contributed to the national income by at least 15%
Our contribution to the region's income is over 90 percent.
5 We share the lion's share of the sons of our brothers in the Sudanese army, offering them sacrifices to this homeland.
On the political side, we have provided 14 deputies to the Constituent Assembly representing the Arab side in real representation. We have also contributed a great deal to the 18 members of the Constituent Assembly.
Mr. President:
All these facts confirm the political, social and economic burdens of these tribes and therefore we demand that we represent half as a leading role in the constitutional positions of the territorial government and representatives of the region central government.
Therefore, we fear that the continuation of this neglect of the Arab element in participation to get away from the hands of the wise to the hands of the ignorant and happen what is undesirable consequences, because the injustice of relatives closer to the self of the impact of Hossam.
In conclusion, we assure every Sudanese citizen that we are not advocates of a sect, but we are students of right and equality and Sudan has lived united under freedom and democracy.
Committee authorized by the Arab Gathering
About them:
Mr. Abdullah Masir
Mr. Sharf Ali Jagr
3 Mr. Ibrahim Yacoub
Mr. Hussein Hassan Al-Basha
Al-Nazer Hamid Bito
Mr. Taj El Din Ahmed El Helou
Mr. Ayoub Al-Baloula
Mr. Mohammed Khoaf Al-Shatali
9 Mr. Zakaria Ibrahim Abu Lahio
10 Mr. Mohamed Zakaria Dalloum
Al-Nazer Al-Hadi Issa Dabkeh
12 Mr. Tayeb Abu Shamma
Mr. Sayedakka Dawad
14 Mr. Harun on Sanusi
Dr. Omar Abdel-Jabbar
16 Mr. Abdullah Yahya
17 Mr. Sulaiman Jaber Abaker
18 The Nazer Mohammed Yaqub the Mayor
19 Mr. Hamid Mohammed Khairallah
20 Mr. Mohamed Aldoumah Omar
21 Mr. Abdul Rahman Ali Abdul Nabi
22 Mr. Ahmed Shehata Ahmed
23 Mr. Abu Bakr his father the faithful
Mr. Jaber Ahmed Al-Rih
Document No. 2
Version No. ...
In the name of God the Merciful
"Say: 'O king of the king, the king shall come from whom you desire, and the king shall be taken away from whomever you desire, and you shall be ashamed of what you desire.
Believe God Almighty
We have dealt with the Quraysh - 1 - the birth of new Quraish and some programs, but developments in the country and political developments in its internal and external dimensions require a pause to remind the goals and review plans and enhance achievements in order to achieve your lofty goal.
As you know, the Jaafis, the Dnaqla and the Chaikis have been between us and the rule of Sudan for almost a century, and they are no exception in the dress of Arabism, a hybrid that has become a race and culture an integral part of the noble Nubian fabric, and we will continue to cling to the rule of the country forever. Recently that the Authority should continue to deal with them.
The Quraysh passes through a critical stage of labor, and all parties, especially the two parties, are required to transcend the intellectual and sectarian affiliations in order to achieve the lofty goals and preserve the achievements achieved so far and the need to work hard to reach the goals that we see soon by committing ourselves to:
A) The 2020 deadline is maximum
B - Goal Quraish 20
C - the interim goal: the six states of the West
Plans, programs and means
Internally:
1 - Give special attention to education horizontally and vertically and the numbers of highly qualified cadres in various political, economic, media, security and military.
2. Establishment of economic institutions.
3. Involvement in the armed forces and the security services.
4. Continue the plan to show cooperation with the existing authority.
5. Preserving existing working relationships with some of the central figures with the Trinity in the leadership of the State.
6. Local coordination with cousins ​​in the middle and east.
7. Emphasize the importance of the petition tribes and urge the state to further support, arm and train them (Popular Defense, Mujahideen, Peace Forces).
8. Urge all those who are able to join the peace forces.
9. Maintain channels of understanding with Dinka
10. Fully abide by the terms of Operation Shahin for South Kordofan.
11 - contain the vow of strife between the vows and the community and appeal and appeal to parents throughout the country to avoid internal conflicts that dispel energies.
12. Not to raise the issue of petroleum before its actual extraction.
13 - contain the effects and implications of the Nyala incident in the narrowest range and seek the release of the knights.
14. Provide adequate pastures for pastoralists in Sudan, Chad and Central Africa.
15 - Fighting the customs of land tenure (Hawakir, Diyar, etc.) by various means.
16. Demonstrate our national role in addressing non-Arab tribes in the West as a normal extension of the insurgency.
17. Expanding the trust gap between the center and the non-Arab tribes by motivating selected Zarqawi leaders to further radicalize the expression of injustice against the West and their awareness of regional and racial strife.
18. Pursuing more constitutional positions in the center and the states.
19. Preserve the achievements of the Buffalo programs for West Darfur with calculated consequences.
20. On Tier 2 and Tier 3, continue to work to enable sharks in Darfur.
21. Prepare for any state elections in the six states.
22 - To ensure discipline and refrain from reckless behaviors such as talk about the state of the Baggara.
23 - The importance of leadership leadership positive media.
24 - the need to upgrade the financial performance of Quraysh.
25. The prominent leaders of the National Conference shall remain among the Quraysh 3, and the decision shall be drawn up according to the requirements of the solution.
Externally:
1. Strengthening coordination and consultation with sharks in neighboring countries.
2 - Develop strategic understanding with the Jamahiriya on the guidance of what Baklani Asil and Sheikh Ibn Omar.
3 - Developing camel racing programs and benefiting from it to strengthen ties with brothers in the Gulf States and God is the best.
"We want to protect those who have been weakened in the land and make them imams and make them the heirs, and let them in the land and show Pharaoh and Haman and their soldiers what they were warning."
Believe God Almighty
For more data log in:
https://m.facebook.com/slajem/posts/1110211445666406
اطماغ حميدتي في حكم السودان
#اطماع_حميدتي_في_حكم_السودان
برز اسم التجمع العربي الدارفوري لأول مرة في 5 اكتوبر عام 1987 عندما كتب اربعة وعشرين من القيادات العربية بدارفور يقودهم عبدالله مسار، رسالة الي رئيس الوزراء حينها الصادق المهدي (مرفق ادناه)، فيها الكثير من المغالطات حيث يدعون انهم من جلبوا الحضارة الي دارفور وانهم يمثلون 70٪ من السكان ويطالبون بأكثر من بأكثر من ٥٠٪ من الوظائف الدستورية في الاقليم ومثلها من حصة الاقليم في المركز. هوجم الخطاب من كل فئات المجتمع السوداني حينها. وعندما ارسل الجيش الشعبي قوة مسلحة الي دارفور عام ١٩٩١ سلحت الحكومة السودانية القبائل العربية لموجهة الجيش الشعبي، وطورت علاقاتها مع المجموعات العربية. وجدها عبدالله مسار ومجموعته فرصة سانحة لتطوير فكرة التجمع حيث تم اصدار قريش ١ وقريش ٢ (مرفق ادناه) الذي حمل مخططات التجمع بتهجير مجموعات عربية من غرب افريقيا لإحلالها في حواكير الفور والزغاوة والمساليت لإثبات انهم يمثلون ٧٠٪ من سكان دارفور.
تطور كل ذلك لبروز مجموعان الجنجويد المسلحة ومدعمة من نظام البشير حيث نظمت حملات منظمة لتهجير السكان الاصليين واحلالهم بالمستوطنين الجدد من غرب افريقيا، الي ان تم ادخال موسي هلال في تلك العملية عام ٢٠٠٢ وحينما شعرت الخرطوم بخطورته ، قام عبدالله مسار بالتوسط لإحضار محمد حمدان دقلو (حميدتي) الي البشير لتشكيل الدعم السريع في الشكل المعلن ولكن علي ان يكون ذلك في اطار المشروع الكبير للتجمع العربي للوصول الي المركز وحكم السودان.
يتذكر الكثيرين عند بداية ازمة السعودية مع قطر ظهرت اشاعة بان الفريق طه المدير السابق لمكتب البشير والذي عين مستشار في الخارجية السعودية نسق مع قائد الدعم السريع الفريق حميدتي لإرسال القوات السودانبة الي البحرين لغزو دولة قطر، لكنها الغيت عندما اكتشف الاتراك الخطة. ذلك التنسيق بين حميدتي وطه تواصل خلال الثورة حيث رفض حميدتي ضرب الثوار في ديسمبر وابريل وشكر شباب الثورة حميدتي علي ذلك الموقف الوطني، ورغم انه قد اتضح بان الفريق طه قد قدم الي الخرطوم لمقابلة المجلس العسكري ومعه وفد اماراتي، لم يشك الكثيرين في ولاء المجلس للثورة، الي ان كان تعنت المجلس وبروز الجانب المخفي في شخصية حميدتي، حيث زار قيادة المدرعات مرتين خلال اسبوعين وزار المرافق الهامة للدولة ووزع الهبات وزيادة في المرتبات، وفي ذات الوقت يتحكم في المجلس العسكري والقيادات العسكرية، فما هو الهدف الحقيقي لحميدتي وهو يجند ٥٠،٠٠٠ من القبائل العربية بشرق السودان؟ 
لقد قام حميدتي قبل سنتين بشراء جريدة الانتباهة من الطيب مصطفي ووضع الصادق الرزيقي في رئاستها، وشخص غير متعلم مثل حميدتي لن يدرك اهمية الاعلام فلماذا اشتري الجريدة ومن الذي اوعز له بذلك غير الصادق الرزيقي.
اذا تفهمنا الافكار العنصرية للصادق الرزيقي من خلال كتاباته في الانتباهة وتفهمنا مافعله عبدالله المسار من خلال بيانات التجمع العربي وما حدث في دارفور وبالاضافة لمفاهيم نائب الرئيس السابق حسبو محمد عبدالرحمن، فإن ما توصل لدينا الي الآن ان ثلاثتهم باباضافة الي عبدالله صافي النور وشارف علي مسار هم من يقومون برسم الخطط المستقبلية للفريق محمد حمدان دقلو، وان هذه الخطط قائمة علي اضعاف الجيش السوداني ومن ثم الإنقضاض علي الحكم وخلق إمارة عربية من قبائل البقارة، وهي إحياء لدولة الخليفة عبدالله التعايشي.
إن الطريقة الوحيدة التي يمكن من خلالها إيقاف حميدتي ومن معه من الطامعين لتنفيذ هذا المشروع هو تسليم الحكم الي سلطة مدنية تقوم بحكم السودان من خلال البنود المتفق عليه من قوي الحرية والتغيير، لذلك فإن المساهمة في الاضراب والعصيان المدني هو فرض عين علي كل سوداني لكي لا تقع الدولة السودانية في ايدي مجموعة حاقدة جاهلة تريد العودة بالسودان للقرون الوسطي، أللهم قد بلغت فأشهد.
يمكن قرآءة بيانات التجمع العربي في:
https://m.facebook.com/slajem/posts/1110211445666406
ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻭﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﺓ ﻟﻤﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ
ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺭﻗﻢ :1
ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ 5 ﺃﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ 1987 ﻡ
ﺑﺴﻢ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ
ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ :
ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ ﺩﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻓﺪﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻼﺩﻱ . ﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮ ﻭﺇﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺩﺕ ﻗﺒﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﻫﻮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺻﻞ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ .
ﺇﺳﺘﻘﺮﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺈﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ : ﺑﻤﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ ﻭﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﺛﻤﺎﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ %80 ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ . ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺑﻤﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ ﻭﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺀ ﺍﻷﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻭﻭﺳﻄﻬﺎ ﻭﺷﺮﻗﻬﺎ ﻭﻏﺮﺑﻬﺎ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻐﻄﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﻤﺴﺔ ﻭﺧﻤﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺌﺔ %55 ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ %70 ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎً .
ﻟﻘﺪ ﻟﻌﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻠﺖ ﺩﺧﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍً ﻫﺎﻣﺎً ﻓﻲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻣﺢ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻢ . ﻓﺎﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻜﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ . ﻗﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﺳﺪﺓ ﻭﻟﺤﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺪﻳﺔ . ﻣﺎﺗﻮﺍ ﻭﺇﺳﺘﺒﺴﻠﻮﺍ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﺎً ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ . ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺳﻬﻤﻮﺍ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﻮﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻹﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺃﺟﻤﻊ . ﺑﻬﺬﺍ ﺃﻛﺪﻧﺎ ﻭﻧﺆﻛﺪ ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻨﺎ ﻭﺳﻨﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﻭﻧﺘﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻘﻮﺓ ﻭﺇﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﻧﺤﻤﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﻧﻨﺒﺬ ﺃﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺘﺎﺕ .
ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ :
ﻟﻘﺪ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﺮّﻓﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻼﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺑﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺇﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺇﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻻﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻳﺼﻠﺤﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﺮﺏ ﺑﺤﺴﺮﺓ ﺑﺄﻧﻨﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺳﻠﺒﻨﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺤﻨﺎ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﻼ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ ﻻ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎً ﺑﺄﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻤﺜﻞ :
|1 ﺳﺒﻌﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻢ
|2 ﻭﻳﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ %40 ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻤﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﺌﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺟﺴﺘﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻛﻨﻮﺭﺍﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺷﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﺕ .
|3 ﻭﺳﺎﻫﻤﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻘﻞ ﻋﻦ .%15
|4 ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻫﻤﺘﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺧﻞ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ .
|5 ﻧﺴﻬﻢ ﺑﻨﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻷﺳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻠﺬﺍﺕ ﺃﻛﺒﺎﺩﻧﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﺪﻣﻬﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ .
|6 ﺃﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻗﺪﻣﻨﺎ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﻧﺎﺋﺒﺎً ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻳﻤﺜﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻼً ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺎً . ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺳﻬﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﻨﺼﻴﺐ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺛﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﻋﻀﻮﺍً ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺴﻴﺔ .
ﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ :
ﺇﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻧﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺇﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺇﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻧﻤﺜﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺼﻒ ﻛﺤﺪ ﺃﺩﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﻣﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ .
ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﺨﺸﻰ ﺇﻥ ﺇﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﻌﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼﺀ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻼﺀ ﻭﻳﺤﺪﺙ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﺗﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻘﺒﺎﻩ ، ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻷﻥ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺑﻰ ﺃﺷﺪ ﻣﻀﺎﺿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺲ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻨﺪ .
ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺘﺎﻡ ﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﺆﻛﺪ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺄﻧﻨﺎ ﻟﺴﻨﺎ ﺩﻋﺎﺓ ﻓﺮﻗﺔ ﻭﺷﺘﺎﺕ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺣﻖ ﻭﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﻋﺎﺵ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﺍً ﻓﻲ ﻇﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ .
ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻮﺿﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ
ﻋﻨﻬﻢ :
|1 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺭ
|2 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻘﺮ
|3 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺃﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ
|4 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺷﺎ
|5 ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﺘﻮ
|6 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺃﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻮ
|7 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺃﻳﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﻮﻟﺔ
ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮّﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﺘﺎﻟﻰ
|9 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ ﺃﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺃﺑﻮ ﻟﺤﻴﻮ
|10 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ ﺩﻟﺪﻭﻡ
|11 ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﺑﻜﺔ
|12 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺐ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺷﻤﺔ
|13 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺳﻨﺪﻛﺔ ﺩﺍﺅﺩ
|14 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺳﻲ
|15 ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﺎﺭ
|16 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻳﺤﻲ
|17 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺑﺮ ﺃﺑﻜﺮ
|18 ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺪﺓ
|19 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ
|20 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻣﺔ ﻋﻤﺮ
21 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ
|22 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺃﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺤﺎﺗﺔ ﺃﺣﻤﺪ
|23 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﺃﺑﻮﻩ ﺍﻷﻣﻴﻦ
|24 ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺟﺎﺑﺮ ﺃﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺢ
ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺭﻗﻢ 2
ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺭﻗﻢ ...
ﺑﺴﻢ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ
" ﻗﻞ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ، ﺗﺆﺗﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺸﺎﺀ ، ﻭﺗﻨﺰﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﻤﻦ ﺗﺸﺎﺀ ، ﻭﺗﻌﺰ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺸﺎﺀ ، ﻭﺗﺬﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺸﺎﺀ ، ﺑﻴﺪﻙ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ ﺇﻧﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻴﺊ ﻗﺪﻳﺮ ."
ﺻﺪﻕ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ
ﻛﻨﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ -1- ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺠﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺄﺑﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﻭﻗﻔﺔ ﺗﺬﻛﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﻂ ﻭﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻹﻧﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻏﺎﻳﺘﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻣﻴﺔ .
ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺠﻌﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻧﺎﻗﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺎﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺎ ﻭﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻟﻤﺪﺓ ﺗﻨﺎﻫﺰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ، ﻭﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﺗﺪﺛﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﺜﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻭﺑﺔ ، ﻫﺠﻴﻦ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻋﺮﻗﺎً ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺰﺃ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﺼﺮ ، ﻭﺳﻨﻈﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﺗﺘﺸﺒﺚ ﺑﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺑﺪ ، ﺇﺫ ﺑﻠﻐﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﻲ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻗﺴﻤﻮﺍ ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍً ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻻً ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ .
ﻳﻤﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺨﺎﺽ ﺣﺮﺟﺔ ، ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ، ﻭﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﻴﻦ ، ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻴﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻧﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻘﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ ، ﻭﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺅﻭﺏ ﻟﺒﻠﻮﻍ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺎً ﻋﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﻐﻠﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ :
ﺃ – ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ 2020 ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻗﺼﻰ
ﺏ – ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ 20
ﺝ – ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﻲ : ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﺔ
ﺩ – ﺍﻟﺨﻄﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ
ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﺎً :
-1 ﺇﻋﻂﺀ ﺇﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺃﻓﻘﻴﺎً ﻭﺭﺃﺳﻴﺎً ﻭﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻮﺍﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻫﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ .
-2 ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ .
-3 ﺍﻹﻧﺨﺮﺍﻁ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ .
-4 ﻣﻮﺍﺻﻠﺔ ﺧﻄﺔ ﺇﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ .
-5 ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﻮﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ .
-6 ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ .
-7 ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺣﺚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﺪﺭﻳﺒﻬﺎ ‏( ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ، ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ، ﻗﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ‏) .
-8 ﺣﺚ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﻞ ﻟﻺﻧﺨﺮﺍﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ .
-9 ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻜﺎ
-10 ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﻨﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ " ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ " ﻟﺠﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻓﺎﻥ .
-11 ﺇﺣﺘﻮﺍﺀ ﻧﺬﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻨﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻮﻟﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﺷﺪﺓ ﻭﻣﻨﺎﺷﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻫﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺭﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺄﻱ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻗﺎﺕ .
-12 ﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺮﻭﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺇﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ .
-13 ﺇﺣﺘﻮﺍﺀ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﺗﺪﺍﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﻧﻴﺎﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺿﻴﻖ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﻺﻓﺮﺍﺝ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺳﺎﻥ .
-14 ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﻋﺎﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺗﺸﺎﺩ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ .
-15 ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﺍﻷﻋﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺤﻴﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ‏( ﺣﻮﺍﻛﻴﺮ ، ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ، .. ﺇﻟﺦ ‏) ﺑﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ .
-16 ﺃﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻱ ﻟﻠﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﻛﺈﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﺮﺩ .
-17 ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﻗﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺮﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻈﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﻭﻣﺠﺎﺭﺍﺗﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻌﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮﻳﺔ .
-18 ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ .
-19 ﺍﻟﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻧﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ ﺑﺘﺪﺍﻋﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺴﻮﺑﺔ .
-20 ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻔﻲ 2 ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻔﻲ 3 ﻣﻮﺍﺻﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﺘﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺷﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ .
-21 ﺍﻹﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻷﻱ ﺇﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﻻﺋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﺔ .
-22 ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺄﻱ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺋﺸﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺎﺭﺓ .
-23 ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ .
-24 ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺗﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﻘﺮﻳﺶ .
-25 ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺗﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ 3 ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ 3 ، ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻞ .
ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺎً :
-1 ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺷﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺭ .
-2 ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺪﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺧﺘﻄﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺃﺻﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺇﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ .
-3 ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺳﺒﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﺠﻦ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺷﻘﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﻖ .
" ﻭﻧﺮﻳﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻤﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺇﺳﺘﻀﻌﻔﻮﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﻧﺠﻌﻠﻬﻢ ﺃﺋﻤﺔ ﻭﻧﺠﻌﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺛﻴﻦ ، ﻭﻧﻤﻜﻦ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﻧﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻥ ﻭﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻨﻮﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﺤﺬﺭﻭﻥ ."
ﺻﺪﻕ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ
لمزيد من البيانات الدخول في:
https://m.facebook.com/slajem/posts/1110211445666406

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الحلقة 20 هنادي المطلقة والمحلل (ماذا قال كتاب العرب في هنادي)-----------Khalid Babiker

• الجنس شعور فوضوي يتحكم في الذات والعقل . وله قوة ذاتية لا تتصالح إلا مع نفسها . هكذا قال أنصار المحلل الحلقة 20 هنادي المطلقة والمحلل (ماذا قال كتاب العرب في هنادي) أول طريق عبره الإنسان هو طريق الذكر . بعدها شهق وصرخ . تمرغ في الزيت المقدس . وجرب نشوة الأرغوس . عاجلا أم آجلا سيبحث عن هذا الطريق ( كالأسماك تعود إلى أرض ميلادها لتبيض وتموت ) . وسيعبره . سيعبره بحثا عن الديمومة . وسيشهق وسيضحك . لقد جاء إليه غريبا . سيظل بين جدرانه الدافئة غريبا . وحالما يدفع تلك الكائنات الحية الصغيرة المضطربة في الهاوية الملعونة سيخرج فقيرا مدحورا يشعر بخيانة ما ( ..... ) . لن ينسى الإنسان أبدا طريق الذكر الذي عبره في البدء . سيتذكره ليس بالذاكرة وإنما بالذكر . سيعود إليه بعد البلوغ أكثر شوقا وتولعا . ولن يدخل فيه بجميع بدنه كما فعل في تلك السنوات التي مضت وإنما سيدخل برأسه . بعد ذلك سيندفع غير مبال بالخطر والفضيحة والقانون والدين . الله هناك خلف الأشياء الصغيرة . خلف كل شهقة . كل صرخة مندفعا في الظلام كالثور في قاعة المسلخ . الله لا يوجد في الأشياء الكبيرة . في الشرانق . في المح . ينشق فمه . تن...

Trusting Liar (#5) Leave a reply

Trusting Liar (#5) Leave a reply Gertruida is the first to recover.  “Klasie… ?” “Ag drop the pretence, Gertruida. You all call me ‘Liar’ behind my back, so why stop now? Might as well be on the same page, yes?” Liar’s face is flushed with anger; the muscles in his thin neck prominently bulging. “That diamond belongs to me. Hand it over.” “What are you doing? Put away the gun…” “No! This…,” Liar sweeps his one hand towards the horizon, “…is my place.  Mine!   I earned it! And you…you have no right to be here!” “Listen, Liar, we’re not the enemy. Whoever is looking for you with the aeroplane and the chopper….well, it isn’t us. In fact, we were worried about you and that’s why we followed you. We’re here to help, man!” Vetfaan’s voice is pleading as he takes a step closer to the distraught man. “Now, put down the gun and let’s chat about all this.” Liar hesitates, taken aback after clearly being convinced that the group  had hostile intentions. “I…I’m ...