(Ajak McCurre: The Trouble of Thinking Rgbavi (1
Yedjowk Agwet
"Doubt is not a plausible situation, but certainty is folly."
Voltaire
(1)
Posted on the page (the southern forces of change) on Facebook for months, the jurisprudence of what is supposed to be an identity crisis and a conflict center and margin in the State of South Sudan. The author of the article, the doctor and Colonel Ajac Makor. The idea of the article summarizes the recent war as a manifestation of the identity crisis and a conflict between center and margin. It should be noted that the article began from the jurisprudence of the earlier theorists Adam Ismail and Dr. Mohammed Ahmed Jalal Hashim with the combination of perspectives, the dialectic center and margin and the method of cultural analysis as diagnostic tools for the supposed identity.
(2)
This essay, an attempt to initiate a serious and decent dialogue on the extent to which the dialectical approach of center and margin is compatible as a frame of thought in the South Sudanese situation, put an end to Ajak's ambitions and helped him out of the spiral of thinking. The need to write the article is justified in the above-mentioned above in the issuance of judgments against others, and even the distribution of identity instruments based on the approach. Since the writing on a serious issue such as identity requires consistency between introductions and results, and to demonstrate the validity of the curriculum before using it in the diagnosis, and because the colonel seems not to stop reading what is written, it is necessary to write this intervention, A way out of the dilemma of interpretation of the reality in a biased way to keep pace with the curriculum, instead of interpreting the curriculum to identify the reality in a proper manner.
(3)
In the above article, McCurry wrote that some Dinka and Nuer-inspired aspirants used the influence of the Dinka Senior Committee and the mythology of Naqundink and (1) "to exploit their quantitative contributions through their numerical participation in the SPLA" (2) "Reproduction: the process of raising people according to the determinants of the culture of the center". Because the writer is not keen on the compatibility of his handwriting with simple logic, did not strive to present the concept of the center in the context of southern Sudan or provide an approach at least, and clarify whether the center intended in the article cultural - ethnic, or authoritarian! This undefined position, according to the writer, is used to use (3) "cryptographic coding; [and] is a representational process used by the center for its sense of contradictions."
(4)
Reproduction processes are carried out within specific cultural-educational frameworks. Is there a specific cultural discourse at the level of education, official and non-official media now in southern Sudan ?! I am afraid that the answer is contrary to what the doctor wants. And that it does not exceed the fall of the concerns, appetites and stability of the visions of the center and the margin in the unconscious to the extent of forced use of the reality of the South Sudanese variant without taking into account the differences.
(5)
According to Adam Ismail, the dialectic of center and margin (4) is "a multi-pronged approach, in which we analyze certain historical situations. We examine these positions through the centers of concentration and marginalization on which the conflict is based on political, . By acquiring the above definition, we will have to ask the question of historical status, and are there groups with historical privileges in southern Sudan? What are the mechanisms of conflict management ?!
(6)
I assert that the struggle of the center and the margin that Ajak claims his existence did not come out of the pages of the book that he preserves. The Center, if we use the term, use a revolutionary cover. And derives its legitimacy from the history of struggle. The fight does not come out of the framework of competition for the monopoly of the largest proportion of power according to the logic of the majority. Because Ajak is not interested in the consistency of the introductions with the outputs, the groups that work to educate people according to the determinants of the center's culture (undefined status) describe another part of the article as being "clusters of heterogeneous cultural elements that have yet to be cultural determinants!"
(7)
Endoscopy for the causes of the crises that hit our nation is important, that it is subject to common sense and reality, and away from hypnotism and wishes.
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Board:
* Raghbawi thinking: the formation of beliefs based on desires, rather than rationality and realism.
(1) Mechanisms of conflict in the dialectic of the new center and margin in the Republic of Southern Sudan (1). Ajak McCour.
(2) The same source.
(3) The same source.
(4) Dialectic Center and Margin: Reading in the book of conflict in Sudan, Abker Ismail, p. (91).
[5] Ajak Makor, former source.
(Ajak McCurre: The Trouble of Thinking (2)
Yedjowk Agwet
"What kind of life is this when a man comes to marvel at his inability to distinguish between yesterday and tomorrow."
Haruki Murakami - Fiction.
(1)
In the previous article, the inconsistencies with the outputs in Ajak Makor's essay are not consistent, and the dialectic of the center and the margin based on the center's re-enactment, the cryptographic and negativity, is not suitable as an approach to extrapolate the state crisis in southern Sudan, A revolutionary cover that is supported by the legitimacy of the struggle and its lack of clear cultural and ideological determinants.
(2)
The reality in southern Sudan is the absence of a clear cultural center that works to diminish other culturally different people, as in the case of Sudan, where the center is dominated by the ideology of Islam and is working to sell others. This is due to the fact that the proportion of cultural similarity between the ethnic components in the country overcome the differences. Southern Sudan consists of three national groups, the Nile, the Nile and the Sudanese group. No cultural or ethnic center - Gyeong - or any other, and marginalization in general - until Juba as a center, marginalized. The absence of national cohesion is no more than a natural phase of the formation of the identity of the South Sudan and the interaction of its components negatively - but the harem - or positive - cultural interaction - on the assumptions.
(3)
Southern Sudan does not miss or suffer an identity crisis as Ajak imagines. Identity is inherently dynamic, and can emerge naturally throughout history - the cooperation of some Southern Sudanese ethnic groups against slavery campaigns - and even the gradual alliance with Mahdia in order to deal with the first colonization - or because of events, conflicts or historical changes; The basis of the opposite of another identity - our definition as southerners in the pre-2011 Sudan - is the best example of identity as a counter-identity.
(4)
According to identity anthropologists, each identity has three main pillars. The identification of individuals to themselves (South Sudanese), the recognition of others to introduce ourselves, and finally, the recognition of our identity center (Black Africa). Since we are not suffering from the absence of any of these elements, we will have no choice but to convince Macor that the crisis does not exist - outside of his mind - of course.
(5)
The crisis in Southern Sudan can be summed up in the tyranny of ethnic consciousness as a result of the combination of militant action since the 1950s, based on tribal representation and ethnic bloc, and ethnocentrism in the country. Our role as a generation today is not to create a supposed identity crisis, but to critique our tribal consciousness in order to fight tribal consciousness - not tribalism - as the great majority assumes. What we should do is to address the tribal legacy that places others in a lesser position in the ladder of humanity as a beginning to justify violence against them, and our popular cultures are full of these diseases.
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Metn:
(*) Ethnocentrism is a word from the American sociologist William. C. Samer. First appeared in 1906. He defines it as "the perception of things that claim that our own ethnic group is the center of all things so that we measure the other groups relative to it.
(*) Tribal consciousness is meant to consider the individual as a natural and exclusive extension.
(*) See the first comment for more on Ethnic Centrality.
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